Opening remarks by Mr. Alexandr Vondra
Prague, October 9, 2007
Conference Roundtable: “EU and Russia –
What are the Alternatives to Energy Driven Policy?”
In 2003 Anatolyi Chubays published a piece in the Russian daily Nezavisimaya Gazeta stating that Russia´s top 21st century priority is to build up a „liberal empire“. According to this concept the return of Russia among superpowers is supposed to be orchestrated by economic tools, rather than direct military pressure. To surprise of many, including the author, this concept has become a new doctrine of the Russian foreign policy and a perfect ideological tool for Kremlin to exercise more power in what is defined in Moscow as „the nearer abroad“:
– Gazprom is openly using pricing policy as a tool for punishing “nasty” neighbors of Russia
– Russia’s major government-owned companies are trying to assume control of key economic entities across the postcommunist territories by acquiring their assets.
The question we have to ask is the following: is democracy compatible with any form of post-modern imperialism? Does Russia actually believe in genuine democracy?
The answer to this question is crucial since a democratic Russia is a precondition to security of both Central Europe and the World. Why is that?
1) Only Russia with a functioning democracy can internalize the principle of democratic sovereignty and will be able to accept as permanent the shift in geopolitical balance in Central Europe after its former satellites have joined the EU and NATO.
Let me mention just one of many examples that shift Russia away from democratic commitment. President Putin has recently accepted the offer of United Russia to lead the party in the next legislative elections and thus to remain in power as a PM. His choice was with no doubt legal, but did it also comply with principles of democracy and democratic alternation?
2) Only a Russia committed to universal values of freedom and democracy may act as our irreplaceable partner, not a competitor or adversary, in stabilizing the world order and solving urgent crises of international relations such as Iran, Kosovo or ballistic threats from islamist regimes. A new era of confrontation between the East and the West must be avoided. Unpredictability of international relations in which Russia aspires to acting as an arbiter, not as part of the solution, is a major threat to the world security.
What are the conclusions? We are facing two main challenges, as regards the relationship with Russia:
1) to refrain from isolationist policies – Russia is our indispensable partner in the ever more complex global order and deserves to be acknowledged as such. Until the half on the 20th century Russia was an important part of the “concert of European powers”, liberation of Europe from the nazi terror would have been unthinkable without the sacrifices of Russian people, Russian culture is inextricably linked to Europe. To this extent Russia was and still is a part of Europe. We must therefore not resign on a relationship with Russia, although this relationship must be one of equal partners. We also may never resign on striving for democratization of Russia.
2) to ensure European solidarity, unity towards Russia – the Russian policy of bilateral deals and dividing Europe needs to be refused. Russia will only accept us as a partner if we can provide for united and symmetric European responses to its policy. Allow me to quote a somewhat hyperbolic old saying: Russia respects more a powerful enemy than a weak friend. We want to be Russia´s friends and we want to earn its respect.
Countries of Central and Eastern Europe are today part of the EU and NATO and it is in their vital interest not to be seen as a region “apart”, but as fully fledged members of these entities. That should be the red line of our policy towards the whole world, including Russia. We will however need Europe on board for that.